Young Turks regroup in August poll juggernaut

The United Democratic Alliance (UDA) crew styles itself as "hustlers" and their Azimio opponents as "dynasts". There are many problems in that narrative, of course. For instance, what does Musalia Mudavadi, an UDA principal, owe his political career to other than an accident of birth? 

Anyway, let's not dwell too much there. Coalitions by their nature are motley collections of interests and personalities. What I find striking is that noteworthy names from the remarkable generation that fought against dictatorship and stood for democracy and good governance during the early 90s – the so-called Second Liberation – have lined up behind Azimio.

They are standing behind their fellow comrade in the trench wars of that period, Raila Odinga, who is the Azimio standard-bearer. 

Remember the Kivutha Kibwana of the Citizens Coalition for Constitutional Change pressure group, to which the milestone IPPG (Inter-Parties Parliamentary Group) electoral reforms of 1997 can be credited in large part?

Yes, that was the same Kibwana who is now the outgoing governor of Makueni. He's in Azimio. And Mukhisa Kituyi, the brainy technocrat who lately headed UNCTAD and who was part of the original Young Turks who spearheaded the fight for multipartyism in the early 90s? He's also in Azimio. 

Young Turks 

The duo have reunited with two other erstwhile Young Turks who remain politically active – Siaya Senator James Orengo and Kisumu Governor Anyang' Nyong'o – under the Azimio banner. Kibwana and Kituyi had both launched presidential bids. Once these failed to gain traction, they folded their tents to support Raila. 

And what about Kitui Governor Charity Ngilu, who too fought tenaciously against the Moi autocracy and became, in 1997, the first consequential female presidential candidate in Kenya's history? Going by her record and career 'firsts', I rank her as the seniormost woman politician in the country today. She, too, is in Azimio. 

Azimio's credentials

The question of how many baskets of votes these reform warriors of yesteryear will deliver to Raila is beside the point. The issue is that their voices and history will burnish Azimio's credentials a lot. 

There was the question of the One Kenya Alliance (OKA) parties, and whether they had agreed to team up with Azimio. Right up to the eve of yesterday's Azimio delegates meeting where the coalition was to unveil its presidential candidate, OKA was said to be still in negotiations with the Azimio side, with no agreement on the table. Would OKA even attend the Azimio bash?

The official poster of coalition party leaders who were to grace yesterday's Azimio ceremony indicated Wiper's Kalonzo Musyoka would attend. But the names of others like Martha Karua were missing. Could this be just an oversight? Or was this a sign of splits in OKA over how to relate with Azimio? 

Certainly Kanu secretary-general Nick Salat was not mincing words when he squarely blamed Kalonzo for dilly-dallying and delaying a deal with Azimio: "Kanu is being held back by a partner in OKA who has suddenly pulled out a 'love letter' with a previous suitor and is busy whining over unfulfilled promises by the ex-lover. Kanu was not part of the 'love letter' and we should not be held to ransom by the OKA partner who has refused to get over their ex." 

Salat made it abundantly clear that Kanu would attend the Azimio function "in huge numbers". 

Indisputably, one of the most valuable catches Azimio made last week was Meru Governor Kiraitu Murungi and his vehicle, the 'Bus' (registered as the Devolution Empowerment Party). Kiraitu was a frontline member of the Young Turks formation and at one point had to flee to exile. 

Challenge of his life

Kiraitu stands out among his former activist colleagues in that he has real heft in his Meru fiefdom that nobody can ignore. UDA had tried passionately to win him over, but there was never a doubt his mind was set on Azimio. Azimio's chances in Meru county look much better now because Kiraitu and his Meru rival, Agriculture Cabinet Secretary Peter Munya, have closed ranks behind the coalition. 

In the Meru sister county of Tharaka-Nithi, incumbent Governor Muthomi Njuki, who has joined UDA, is facing the challenge of his life from Chuka University vice-chancellor, Prof Erastus Njoka, the Jubilee gubernatorial candidate. 

While announcing his move to Azimio, Kiraitu said: "Those that called us foolish should be ready for our response to their insults in August through the ballot." He was referring to a day the UDA bandwagon came campaigning in Meru. Ruto spoke disparagingly about the governor over his refusal to support him. Kiraitu did not reply. However, he never forgets slights. I learnt that a long time ago. 

Kiraitu was first elected in 1992 as the MP for South Imenti. He has never lost an election since. In one telling way, Kiraitu's political career has mirrored the ever mutating twists and turns of Kenya's political parties. In every election he has run on a different party ticket – 1992 in Ford-Kenya, 1997 in the Democratic Party, 2002 in Narc, 2007 in PNU, 2013 in the original 'Bus', and 2017 in Jubilee. This year he is running under the renamed 'Bus'. 

The effect the Kiraitu-Munya combo will have in Meru will only pile pressure on neighbouring Kikuyuland proper, which remains a bastion of UDA. This state of affairs pertains because the political figures of stature there who oppose UDA have chosen to dither and prevaricate, like Shakespeare's Hamlet. As a result, Azimio's Central Kenya supporters have nobody to look up to for direction, leaving them demoralised and despondent. 

There are ongoing Jubilee "activation" meetings in the Mt Kenya region spearheaded by the incoming party secretary-general Jeremiah Kioni and the director of elections Kanini Kega. 

UDA should pray these efforts flop. Because if they succeed, Ruto's hopes for the coming election will blow up in smoke. 

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