Kingship politics and its socio-cultural influence

Jamhuri Day

President Uhuru Kenyatta gives his remarks at Uhuru Gardens in Nairobi during Jamhuri Day celebrations on December 12, 2021.

Photo credit: PSCU

What you need to know:

  • As the struggle for Kenya’s independence gained momentum, political kingpin.
  • For Kenya to depart from kingpin politics, a national conversation from the ward level must be generated

Part of Kenya’s popular political lexicon is the term kingship politics. What is the genesis and current application of this phenomenon? What types of kingship exist? What does it take to transcend kingship politics?

Broadly speaking, there are two types of kingships; cultural and political.

In pre-colonial Kenya, stateless or acephalous communities had a cultural leader, usually a male, whose major duty was to provide for his community. He was responsible for just, fair and equitable distribution of community wealth. The clan leader owed his people a duty of care. Often, such a leader would also discharge religious rites. He had a council of wise men who served as advisers.

In some cases, the chief had court jesters who used satire to criticise and correct wayward behaviour. This original genre of leadership is cultural kingship.

Some examples of such kingpins were Waiyaki wa Hinga, who was the ruler of south Gikuyu. He signed a treaty with Fredrick Lugard of the Imperial British East Africa (IBEA), but later torched Lugard’s fort in 1890 upon dissatisfaction with IBEA’s avarice for Agikuyu land.

Nabongo Mumia was the 17th king of the Wanga Kingdom, “a pre-colonial kingdom in Kenya prominent for being a centralised, highly organised kingdom and the most advanced form of government in terms of politics, economy and military.” (Wikipedia).

Among cultural kingpins deemed to have prophetic powers were Mugo Kibiru, Syokimau and Lenana Mbatian. The former two divined about the coming of Europeans to their areas. Lenana had, like Jacob of the Bible, stolen Senteu’s inheritance by pretending he was Senteu before his blind father. However, the colonisers duped Lenana into signing fake agreements which ceded Maasai land to them in exchange for support to wage war against his brother.

Muindi Mbingu successfully led the Kamba to demonstrate against destocking of about 2,000 head of cattle before the then Governor of Kenya, Sir Robert Brooke-Popham. The cattle were to be slaughtered by a private company in Athi River where the current Kenya Meat Commission is situated. The demonstrators walked for 60 kilometres to Nairobi.

Both Mekatilili wa Menza and Koitalel Arap Samoei organised their people to resist British colonial rule. Koitalel, the Orkoiyot of the Nandi, led an 11-year resistance against the building of the Uganda railway through his jurisdiction.

Mekatilili marshalled the Giriama people through oathing against the colonial administration’s erosion of her peoples’ culture, as well as the employment of Giriama people outside their territory. Mekatilili was arrested in 1913 and exiled to Kisii. She escaped twice from colonial captivity, ultimately travelling back to her homeland.

Dedan Kimathi was the celebrated leader of the Land and Freedom Army during the Mau Mau war. He was betrayed, tried and sentenced to death. His remains are interred in an unmarked grave.

The above examples of precolonial leaders were largely cultural kingpins who primarily focused on securing their communities’ interests. Even when exposed to superior colonial power, they resisted, to protect their subjects.

As the struggle for Kenya’s independence gained momentum, another type of kingship emerged — political kingpin. The people still stuck to their communal values and identified with new leaders who offered them little in return. The kingpin became the most senior vocal advocate of their interests. It was also the person leading the party popular in the region, or the one running for president.

The positive aspect in precolonial Kenya was about the person the community could rely on for support, not merely a superficial mouth-piece for their communal interest.

The novel political kingpin is accepted even when he does not take his responsibility seriously because in our communities, the cultural aspect of kingship has been ingrained. We feel ‘naked’ without a defender kingpin. Previously, debasing the cultural kingpin was tantamount to undermining authority.

The political kingpin hawks hope that since he once held a senior political position, he can ascend even to apex national leadership. No wonder during political campaigns such leaders promise their communities abundant development goodies once they assume office. The citizens see this as confirmation of the original socio-cultural emphasis of kingship.

Some recent examples of political kingpins who have commanded overwhelming support of their communities are Jomo Kenyatta, Jaramogi Oginga, Daniel Arap Moi, Masinde Muliro, Ronald Ngala, Mwai Kibaki, and Paul Ngei whose kingship status was buoyed by their roles in the fight for independence.

Other kingpins are Raila Odinga, Simeon Nyachae, Mulu Mutisya, Kalonzo Musyoka, William Ruto, Uhuru Kenyatta and so on. Some have departed and others may have lost their allure.

The Kenya National African Union (Kanu) party of independence, and the subsequent merger with Kenya African Democratic Union (Kadu) pooled political kingpins from majority ethnic communities. During the one-party era from 1969 to 1991, most political kingpins were forced to lead from Kanu.

Tom Mboya never assumed kingship status even when he was a consummate politician. Pio Gama Pinto never struggled to be the Asian political kingpin. He was a nationalist and socialist who fought alongside the Mau Mau for the liberation of the country. Josiah M. Kariuki, Bildad Kaggia and Kenneth Matiba never became kingpins.

The Forum for Restoration of Democracy (Ford), National Rainbow Coalition (Narc), Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) party, Coalition for Reforms and Democracy, National Super Alliance, The Jubilee Party, Azimio la Umoja Movement (in formation), United Democratic Alliance (UDA), and the Building Bridges Initiatives (BBI) have been attempts to aggregate political kingships into larger formations to generate greater political consensus among rulers.

Under Azimio, many ‘small parties’ are targeting a pact with ODM and Jubilee. Even One Kenya Alliance, and other outfits are struggling to find accommodation within the emerging political space. For now, UDA has closed the window for pre-election coalitions.

Thus far, political party democracy does not grow because kingship politics thwarts it. Current alliance politics aims to amalgamate the principal kingpins. In the post-colonial era, kingpin politics is a breeding ground for corruption, which slows growth and development. Around kingpins are hangers-on and shadowy kitchen cabinets. Can then political kingship be done away with? Should we revive cultural kingship?

The movement around the passage of the 2010 Constitution and its central planks on leadership and integrity, bill of rights and devolution was a bold move to create a new order. However, most political kingpins are not necessarily committed to enforcement of the Constitution.

For Kenya to depart from kingpin politics, a national conversation from the ward level must be generated so as to build consensus on a pro-people national ideology. An awakened youth could use social media and other peaceful means as key catalysts for social justice.

Kingpin politics will be dealt a mortal blow when a new leadership committed to the Constitution emerges in Kenya. Today, cultural bonds are possibly at their weakest. We don’t have to subscribe to these bonds to support political kingpins who have no intention of becoming agents of transformation.