Karungo wa Thang’wa: Plotters of Gachagua impeachment are targeting Ruto

The first president of Indonesia, Sukarno, was impeached in 1967 for being "too popular" and for his extravagant lifestyle, which included a penchant for luxury cars and watches—similar to those flaunted by Kapseret Member of Parliament Oscar Sudi in a recent media appearance. However, the mover of the motion could not cite these as grounds for removal, so Sukarno was instead accused of political instability, economic decline, mismanagement, and an inability to maintain order.

A year prior to his impeachment, in 1966, following student unrest and a lack of order in the country, Sukarno signed the Supersemar Order—a decree that shared executive power with General Suharto. Suharto used this opportunity to rise to power by campaigning against the ruling Indonesian Communist Party, which led to mass killings and political purges. Ultimately, this power struggle culminated in the impeachment of Sukarno—the very person who had granted Suharto executive powers.

In 2001, Indonesia witnessed another presidential impeachment when its fourth president, Abdurrahman Wahid, was impeached for dissolving parliament. He was officially accused of erratic leadership and frequent cabinet reshuffles.

In the USA, there have been four presidential impeachments: Andrew Johnson in 1868, Richard Nixon in 1974, Bill Clinton in 1998, and Donald Trump in 2019. Although they were all acquitted by the Senate—except for Nixon, who resigned before he could be impeached—the precedent for impeachment was firmly established.

At this point, you might be wondering what my point is. By the way you could be right, but what I’m trying to highlight is that once a country experiences an impeachment, it rarely stops.
In Kenya’s history, we have never experienced a presidential impeachment but several governors have been impeached by both the Senate and county assemblies across the country. 

To highlight one of these impeachments, I was working for Governor Ferdinand Waititu, the second governor of Kiambu when he was impeached by the Senate in 2020.

Initially, I thought everyone was bluffing when rumours of his removal began circulating. I recall one MCA saying that removing Waititu from office was like walking on knees from Limuru to Nakuru, indicating how impossible it seemed but it happened so fast to fathom.

However, to get to Waititu, the MCAs first tested the waters by removing their leader of the majority, Mr Anthony Ikonya, a close ally of the governor.

After succeeding, they moved to stage two by attempting to remove Waititu's CEC for Youth and Sports (myself), but the process was thwarted by the court. Convinced of their success, they then targeted Waititu—a process that even those who participated in the county assembly and Senate regret, claiming it was purely political.

I believe that those planning, if any, an impeachment of Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua are actually targeting the president himself. However, I could be mistaken. But in politics, nothing happens by mere coincidence it is either planned or orchestrators ride on misfortunes like the case of Sukarno and Suharto.

Nevertheless, the removal of Waititu emboldened ‘coup plotters’ to remove yet another governor, Governor Mike Sonko of Nairobi. Had there been more time, a third and fourth governor could have been removed.

Now that I have your attention, welcome to my Impeachment Bill, which has just been read for the first time in the Senate.

This bill seeks to establish a proper procedure for the removal of governors, CECs, and county speakers from office. It aims to make the process watertight, devoid of emotions and politics, and to turn it over to the people.

I believe that governors are always under threat and are sometimes coerced into complying to avoid removal from office.

You may ask why we should protect them, given that many misappropriate and embezzle funds. My answer is that impeachment should be the last resort, the nuclear option. We should empower other agencies, especially the EACC, to assist in holding the looters accountable.

As the then-Senator James Orengo once said, impeachment is a political process. So, money often changes hands during such processes. We must ensure it is difficult and just, particularly by administering proper justice to the accused.

It is not uncommon, given our Kenyan society, for someone to bribe an official to arrest someone who has taken a bribe—this is our reality. Sometimes, I suggest that any motion aimed at questioning someone's integrity should also be used to assess the integrity of the person moving the motion.

This approach would ensure that the accuser is credible. However, if this were the case, there might never be an impeachment. Perhaps this thought arose from my frequent readings of the Bible, particularly the verse that says, "Let him who is without sin among you be the first to throw a stone at her" (John 8:7).

Finally, as the saying goes, "When the drum beats, the dance begins." This article serves as a caution to those orchestrating impeachment attempts, reminding us that the consequences of such actions can reverberate throughout the political landscape, often with unforeseen results.

The writer is a Senator of Kiambu